Here are some links to help you understand the situation in Hong Kong:
South China Morning Post – LIVE: Tens of thousands brave storms to protest in Hong Kong as National Day begins
Le Monde – Hongkong : pourquoi les « parapluies » se rebellent
The Guardian – Hong Kong’s umbrella revolution – the Guardian briefing
The Washington Post – Hong Kong protesters could change Beijing’s thinking
The Globe and Mail – With youth in revolt, older generation finds new hope
This began in 1997, when the United Kingdom handed over Hong Kong, one of its last imperial possessions, to the Chinese government. Hong Kong had spent over 150 years under British rule; it had become a fabulously wealthy center of commerce and had enjoyed, while not full democracy, far more freedom and democracy than the rest of China. So, as part of the handover, the Chinese government in Beijing promised to let Hong Kong keep its special rights and its autonomy — a deal known as “one country, two systems.”
A big part of that deal was China’s promise that, in 2017, Hong Kong’s citizens would be allowed to democratically elect their top leader for the first time ever. That leader, known as the Hong Kong chief executive, is currently appointed by a pro-Beijing committee. In 2007, the Chinese government reaffirmed its promise to give Hong Kong this right in 2017, which in Hong Kong is referred to as universal suffrage — a sign of how much value people assign to it.
But there have been disturbing signs throughout this year that the central Chinese government might renege on its promise. In July, the Chinese government issued a “white paper” stating that it has “comprehensive jurisdiction” over Hong Kong and that “the high degree of autonomy of [Hong Kong] is not an inherent power, but one that comes solely from the authorization by the central leadership.” It sounded to many like a warning from Beijing that it could dilute or outright revoke Hong Kong’s freedoms, and tens of thousands of Hong Kong’s citizens marched in protest.
Then, in August, Beijing announced its plan for Hong Kong’s 2017 elections. While citizens would be allowed to vote for the chief executive, the candidates for the election would have to be approved by a special committee just like the pro-Beijing committee that currently appoints the chief executive. This lets Beijing hand-pick candidates for the job, which is anti-democratic in itself, but also feels to many in Hong Kong like a first step toward eroding their promised democratic rights.
For the full text:
http://www.vox.com/2014/9/28/6856621/hong-kong-protests-clashes-china-explainer
Travelling Beijing’s subway end to end, from the south-western dormitory suburb of Suzhuang to north-east Fengbo, where cranes loom over half-constructed blocks, takes five changes and almost three hours – but very little cash. The longest direct journey one can take on the subway here must also be one of the world’s best public transport bargains: 88km – a highly auspicious number in China – for just 2 yuan (roughly 20 pence).
In the weekday morning rush, accountants, shop assistants and researchers stare wearily at phones and jostle for space. There are fidgeting children with weary parents, labourers on their first ever subway ride, and several large eels, curled into an empty oil bottle en route to their carrier’s dinner table. It is late summer and the carriages are crammed, but air conditioning keeps it cool, blowing wafts of recently applied deodorant across the crowd.
“The subway is the pride of Beijing. It’s the only reason to live in this city,” says Liu Jinchang, a sales director, over one shoulder, since he does not have room to turn. His tone is jokey, his enthusiasm genuine: he has a car but prefers to commute this way because it is faster and easier than driving.
Beijing Subway
For the full text :
Weekly Press Review 